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OPINION

SBY and the paradox of internationalism

Donny Syofyan, Padang | Wed, 10/13/2010 10:00 AM | Opinion

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s canceled visit to the Netherlands came as a                                               surprise for many people since the decision was made just a few minutes with his                                                    plane waiting on the runway.

Yudhoyono said the reason for the postponed trip was a matter of national dignity in                                              response to a lawsuit filed against him in a Dutch court coinciding with his arrival by                                                          a group claiming to represent the Republic of South Maluku (RMS). Despite guarantees                                                                 from Dutch authorities he would enjoy immunity as a head of state, he regarded the                                                     court hearing as unethical saying it violated ethics and norms of a bilateral relationship.

Anyone and experts knowledgeable about Yudhoyono will consider his decision shocking.                             Yudhoyono is noted for his foreign-policy, outward-look and internationalism. What he is                                    exhibiting at the moment represents how his sense of internationalism is in paradox.                                               Some reasons confirm this thesis.

First, Yudhoyono’s leadership no longer reflects self-confidence. On many occasions                                             during his meetings with international leaders, Yudhoyono did not do very much focus                                            on the need for the international support for Indonesia’s territorial integrity. He demurred                                           at  being dubbed a complainer without self-confidence. To Yudhoyono, Indonesia is not                                                     a banana republic.

Moreover, most countries do not support the separatist movement in any part of Indonesia.                                          As an example, in the Indonesia-Australia joint statement issued in 2006 in Batam, it was                                      expressly stated that Australia would not allow itself to be used as a support base for                                   Indonesian separatist movements, referring in this case to Papua. Harping on about the                                       old issue of territorial integrity demanded by the RMS, therefore, is actually irrelevant.

Therefore, it was needless of President Yudhoyono to fear the lawsuit. While he sees the                                   decision as an act to uphold dignity, the international community sees this act as foolishness                                  and immaturity.

Second, Yudhoyono is likely to disregard his “zero enemies, million friends” approach for                                 Indonesia at the international level. The President has been successful in forging strategic                        partnerships with a variety of major nations and groupings such as Australia, Japan, China,                                      the UK, Russia, South Korea, India, and the EU. After the end of the Cold War, there are now                                         no countries that see Indonesia as an enemy or are seen as an enemy by Indonesia.

Yudhoyono’s delayed state visit runs contrary to Indonesia’s foreign policy goal. Not only                                          does it increase RMS’s media exposure, but also provides pressure groups with a potential                                       tool to sabotage any bilateral relations with Indonesia.

Regardless of the fact that the Dutch court finally denied a request by the RMS to have                                    Yudhoyono arrested on alleged human rights violations in Indonesia while in the Netherlands,                                  will Yudhoyono stay in Indonesia every time some group files a lawsuit in the country the                                   president wants to visit? This is really a bad precedent.

For the future, the concept of “zero enemies, a million friends” will have become a natural part                                of the outlook of the next generation of Indonesian leaders. It will be easier for the younger                          generation to accept the new reality as the young people tend to be more open minded and                                 are not weighed down by the baggage of history.

Third, the delayed state visit might tarnish our image as a moderate nation in the diplomatic                                  realm. Yudhoyono is conversant with complex foreign-affair issues.

He can speak at length, for instance, without prepared text about various foreign issues —                                  ASEAN, Myanmar, Lebanon, the Iran nuclear standoff, Kosovo, the Indonesia-Timor Leste                                    Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the East                              Asia high level conference, climate change, Islamic relations with the West, and so forth.

However, his decision to delay the trip will give an impression his “nationalism and                                  internationalism” policies are contradictory. To the worst degree, there is fear that the                                  international community will view Yudhoyono as following the footsteps of leaders with very                                       hard-line reputations such as Fidel Castro, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Evo Morales and Hugo                                Chavez. This means Yudhoyono is about to betray his own character on one side and steer                                        the country’s foreign policy in a radical and confrontational direction on the other.

Fourth, the delayed state visit is believed to cripple Indonesia’s bargaining power, especially                         before the Dutch government.

In fact, relations between Indonesia and its former colonial master had significantly improved                                     with The Hague’s recognition in 2005 of Indonesia’s independence as falling on Aug. 17, 1945,                          instead of in December 1949, as the Netherlands had claimed.

Additionally, the recognition and testimony had been found in various Dutch-Indonesia                            comprehensive partnership documents.

With Yudhoyono postponing his visit to the Netherlands, there will be much opportunity for a                                 mixture of local politicians and separatist movements, like the RMS, lobbying the Dutch                                  government to acknowledge their rights of self-determination.

Wim Sopacua, vice president of the RMS government in exile, often reminded his followers                                        that the independence they long for is not without historical precedence. The Kosovo                                      independence has been a mesmerizing specter for any countries facing heaps of separatist                      movements.

The writer is a lecturer at Andalas University, Padang and a graduate of the University of 
Canberra, Australia.

Source:  http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2010/10/13/sby-and-paradox-internationalism.html